Friday, July 1, 2011

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  • cbpds
    05-19 06:25 PM
    hi,

    I am planning to extend the visitor visa for my mom for another two months.
    Her current I94 expires on June 25th and At POE the officer told her that she must go back after 6 months

    If I apply for extension of her visa before 45 days and she leaves US on current I94 date (June 25th) since she did not get a result,
    1.Does she need to apply for a new visa since her extension got rejected even though she left before her current I94 date?Will it affect her future visits in case that extension gets rejected.?

    2.What happens if she gets a rejection before her current I94 expiry on July 25th, will she need leave earlier and apply for new visitor visa?

    Appreciate your answers

    Thanks




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  • Blog Feeds
    04-13 01:10 PM
    Vilcek's artist of the year award recipient is Spaniard Jos� Andr�s. He's the well known Washington, DC chef. The foundation describes his contribution: Deemed a "food philosopher" by NPR and dubbed "Mr. Spain" by the culinary vanguard, Chef Andr�s's emphasis on the link between culture and cuisine reflects the Vilcek Foundation's values of enriching American society through the infusion of immigrant culture and talent. Chef Andr�s is the founder of ThinkFoodGroup, which operates groundbreaking restaurants such as Jaleo and minibar by jos� andr�s in Washington D.C., and The Bazaar in Los Angeles. As the Host and Producer of Made in...

    More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2010/04/immigrant-of-the-day-jose-andres-chef.html)




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  • Blog Feeds
    05-17 12:40 PM
    There have been many op-ed pieces discussing the GOP's suicidal alienation of Latino voters. There is no evidence that Republicans will even get a short term boost from anti-immigration voters (the relatively small number of people who make that their major electoral issue) since these folks overwhelmingly vote Republican anyway. And the long term harm in terms of getting votes from the country's fastest growing electoral group will be massive. The Washington Post's Michael Gerson piece this morning does a good job summing up the stakes: Ethnic politics is symbolic and personal. Democratic presidential candidate John F. Kennedy gained African...

    More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2010/05/the-gops-damaged-brand.html)




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  • raybarrone
    08-26 02:28 PM
    I am a July 2nd filer and my checks were cashed on August 14th. I also received my receipts from my company and the notice day is August 10th while receipt date is July 2nd. Can anyone please let me know when I should expect to receive my FP's?



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  • Marphad
    01-23 01:35 PM
    When: Saturday, 24th Jan during Thawer Law RADIO show at 3 pm Central

    Where: 700 AM if you are in dfw area or listen online @ funasia.net

    Thanks for posting this.




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  • Blog Feeds
    06-23 03:30 PM
    From the LA Times: A �forgery-proof� worker ID card, secured with biometric data such as fingerprints, is a favored idea of the new chairman of the Senate immigration subcommittee, Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.). Schumer, who will lead the effort to craft the Senate�s comprehensive immigration reform legislation, has publicly espoused the card as the best way to ensure that all workers are authorized. �The ID will make it easy for employers to avoid undocumented workers, which will allow for tough sanctions against employers who break the law, which will lead to no jobs being available for illegal immigrants, which will...

    More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2009/06/schumer-suggesting-national-worker-id-card.html)



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  • clear485
    07-31 03:18 PM
    Through AILA inquiry, I came to know my case details:

    CIS electronic records indicate that your case have moved from the
    security review area to the Case Resolution Unit(CRU). Will check
    with supervisors of the CRU to find out what is going on with these cases
    and if they can be routed to exams to be worked".

    What does it mean ? What is happening in CRU ?

    Internet refers CRU handles if case has multiple "A" nos or receipt notice delays....I filed only one I-485 application five years back.....




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  • ivx
    03-19 09:06 AM
    Bump. Anyone?



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  • reddymjm
    06-13 08:14 AM
    My ead card production ordered. I efiled on April 27th.

    Rediculous, the processing times say it takes 90 days minimum. Hopefully they will give the extension from my expiry date which is Aug 28th 2008.

    As USCIS is saying they will issue 2 year ead starting Jun 30. certainly I will not get a 2 year EAD.




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  • up_guy
    09-21 06:37 PM
    I work for a big company. Each time when I move to a new project, my company ask me to file an LCA and H-1B amendment for new project location. It takes several month to get approval until then you have wait and face all travel restrictions.
    I know that several smaller companies don�t file such amendments

    Does anyone who why do we have to file such amendment?
    What happens if we don�t file this?



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  • SlowRoasted
    05-01 10:10 PM
    im not feeling the font used or the placement of the text. other than that its tight.




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  • gaz
    04-07 12:51 PM
    Hello,

    Is it possible to apply for parents visa using the H1B extension receipt?

    Thank you



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  • krishmunn
    03-08 07:03 AM
    It is illegal for you to pay your employer any money for your pay stub. Get a new job pronto.




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  • Blog Feeds
    06-19 01:30 PM
    A new study by the Transactional Records Access Center (TRAC) finds that the nation's Immigration Courts are becoming increasingly backlogged. Our country's 234 immigration judges received over 350,000 new cases last year, almost 1,500 cases per judge. Coupled with the government's onerous "case complete goals", this brings incredible pressure on overworked immigration judges to issue decisions. As a result of the increasing backlog of cases, persons in detention may have to wait many months to challenge the legality of the charges against them or to have their asylum and other claims heard before a judge. The Bush Administration had promised...

    More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/carlshusterman/2009/06/immigration-courts-severely-backlogged.html)



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  • ahmed
    04-01 09:21 AM
    :love:

    haha




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  • bayarea07
    07-18 04:00 PM
    Have we taken in to account these action items
    1) Improve Overall GC Process time.
    2) Re-use all unused visa's that went in vain in past
    3) Count each family as one visa instead of each for each family member.

    And What do we need to do as a member of IV to lobby these changes.



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  • Macaca
    11-11 08:15 AM
    Extreme Politics (http://www.nytimes.com/2007/11/11/books/review/Brinkley-t.html) By ALAN BRINKLEY | New York Times, November 11, 2007

    Alan Brinkley is the Allan Nevins professor of history and the provost at Columbia University.

    Few people would dispute that the politics of Washington are as polarized today as they have been in decades. The question Ronald Brownstein poses in this provocative book is whether what he calls “extreme partisanship” is simply a result of the tactics of recent party leaders, or whether it is an enduring product of a systemic change in the structure and behavior of the political world. Brownstein, formerly the chief political correspondent for The Los Angeles Times and now the political director of the Atlantic Media Company, gives considerable credence to both explanations. But the most important part of “The Second Civil War” — and the most debatable — is his claim that the current political climate is the logical, perhaps even inevitable, result of a structural change that stretched over a generation.

    A half-century ago, Brownstein says, the two parties looked very different from how they appear today. The Democratic Party was a motley combination of the conservative white South; workers in the industrial North as well as African-Americans and other minorities; and cosmopolitan liberals in the major cities of the East and West Coasts. Republicans dominated the suburbs, the business world, the farm belt and traditional elites. But the constituencies of both parties were sufficiently diverse, both demographically and ideologically, to mute the differences between them. There were enough liberals in the Republican Party, and enough conservatives among the Democrats, to require continual negotiation and compromise and to permit either party to help shape policy and to be competitive in most elections. Brownstein calls this “the Age of Bargaining,” and while he concedes that this era helped prevent bold decisions (like confronting racial discrimination), he clearly prefers it to the fractious world that followed.

    The turbulent politics of the 1960s and ’70s introduced newly ideological perspectives to the two major parties and inaugurated what Brownstein calls “the great sorting out” — a movement of politicians and voters into two ideological camps, one dominated by an intensified conservatism and the other by an aggressive liberalism. By the end of the 1970s, he argues, the Republican Party was no longer a broad coalition but a party dominated by its most conservative voices; the Democratic Party had become a more consistently liberal force, and had similarly banished many of its dissenting voices. Some scholars and critics of American politics in the 1950s had called for exactly such a change, insisting that clear ideological differences would give voters a real choice and thus a greater role in the democratic process. But to Brownstein, the “sorting out” was a catastrophe that led directly to the meanspirited, take-no-prisoners partisanship of today.

    There is considerable truth in this story. But the transformation of American politics that he describes was the product of more extensive forces than he allows and has been, at least so far, less profound than he claims. Brownstein correctly cites the Democrats’ embrace of the civil rights movement as a catalyst for partisan change — moving the white South solidly into the Republican Party and shifting it farther to the right, while pushing the Democrats farther to the left. But he offers few other explanations for “the great sorting out” beyond the preferences and behavior of party leaders. A more persuasive explanation would have to include other large social changes: the enormous shift of population into the Sun Belt over the last several decades; the new immigration and the dramatic increase it created in ethnic minorities within the electorate; the escalation of economic inequality, beginning in the 1970s, which raised the expectations of the wealthy and the anxiety of lower-middle-class and working-class people (an anxiety conservatives used to gain support for lowering taxes and attacking government); the end of the cold war and the emergence of a much less stable international system; and perhaps most of all, the movement of much of the political center out of the party system altogether and into the largest single category of voters — independents. Voters may not have changed their ideology very much. Most evidence suggests that a majority of Americans remain relatively moderate and pragmatic. But many have lost interest, and confidence, in the political system and the government, leaving the most fervent party loyalists with greatly increased influence on the choice of candidates and policies.

    Brownstein skillfully and convincingly recounts the process by which the conservative movement gained control of the Republican Party and its Congressional delegation. He is especially deft at identifying the institutional and procedural tools that the most conservative wing of the party used after 2000 both to vanquish Republican moderates and to limit the ability of the Democratic minority to participate meaningfully in the legislative process. He is less successful (and somewhat halfhearted) in making the case for a comparable ideological homogeneity among the Democrats, as becomes clear in the book’s opening passage. Brownstein appropriately cites the former House Republican leader Tom DeLay’s farewell speech in 2006 as a sign of his party’s recent strategy. DeLay ridiculed those who complained about “bitter, divisive partisan rancor.” Partisanship, he stated, “is not a symptom of democracy’s weakness but of its health and its strength.”

    But making the same argument about a similar dogmatism and zealotry among Democrats is a considerable stretch. To make this case, Brownstein cites not an elected official (let alone a Congressional leader), but the readers of the Daily Kos, a popular left-wing/libertarian Web site that promotes what Brownstein calls “a scorched-earth opposition to the G.O.P.” According to him, “DeLay and the Democratic Internet activists ... each sought to reconfigure their political party to the same specifications — as a warrior party that would commit to opposing the other side with every conceivable means at its disposal.” The Kos is a significant force, and some leading Democrats have attended its yearly conventions. But few party leaders share the most extreme views of Kos supporters, and even fewer embrace their “passionate partisanship.” Many Democrats might wish that their party leaders would emulate the aggressively partisan style of the Republican right. But it would be hard to argue that they have come even remotely close to the ideological purity of their conservative counterparts. More often, they have seemed cowed and timorous in the face of Republican discipline, and have over time themselves moved increasingly rightward; their recapture of Congress has so far appeared to have emboldened them only modestly.

    There is no definitive answer to the question of whether the current level of polarization is the inevitable result of long-term systemic changes, or whether it is a transitory product of a particular political moment. But much of this so-called age of extreme partisanship has looked very much like Brownstein’s “Age of Bargaining.” Ronald Reagan, the great hero of the right and a much more effective spokesman for its views than President Bush, certainly oversaw a significant shift in the ideology and policy of the Republican Party. But through much of his presidency, both he and the Congressional Republicans displayed considerable pragmatism, engaged in negotiation with their opponents and accepted many compromises. Bill Clinton, bedeviled though he was by partisan fury, was a master of compromise and negotiation — and of co-opting and transforming the views of his adversaries. Only under George W. Bush — through a combination of his control of both houses of Congress, his own inflexibility and the post-9/11 climate — did extreme partisanship manage to dominate the agenda. Given the apparent failure of this project, it seems unlikely that a new president, whether Democrat or Republican, will be able to recreate the dispiriting political world of the last seven years.

    Division of the U.S. Didn’t Occur Overnight (http://www.nytimes.com/2007/11/13/books/13kaku.html) By MICHIKO KAKUTANI | New York Times, November 13, 2007
    THE SECOND CIVIL WAR How Extreme Partisanship Has Paralyzed Washington and Polarized America By Ronald Brownstein, The Penguin Press. $27.95




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  • santa123
    06-10 09:26 PM
    I was just wondering why legal immigration is not generating any interest with the beloved politicians in this country. Inside the mind of these politicians... I guess their agenda is very clear.

    Immigration support for illegals = hispanic votes = reelection!
    Immigration support for widows = sympathy votes = reelection!
    Immigration support for same sex partners = more votes = reelection!
    Immigration support for serving the military = Show of patriotism = society respect!
    ...
    ...

    But,
    Immigration support for legal immigrants = what's the use = not a penny worth!!!

    Oh God help us!




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  • Paranormal Paralegal
    11-13 08:28 PM
    Actually, its preferable - saves money and shows DOL that there are multiple openings, not just one.




    gccovet
    01-29 07:45 AM
    Hello I am Sammy Pete, I just wanted to know that what are the things required to get visa from US? what they look.. Suppose i have a bond of 1 years to work in a reputed motels there.. so i just wanted to know will i get?

    Check this out


    USCIS - Working in the United States (http://www.uscis.gov/portal/site/uscis/menuitem.eb1d4c2a3e5b9ac89243c6a7543f6d1a/?vgnextoid=a39e901bf9873210VgnVCM100000082ca60aRCR D&vgnextchannel=a39e901bf9873210VgnVCM100000082ca60a RCRD)




    pan123
    01-10 02:12 PM
    Guys,

    I remember I have seen this in some thread but I can't find it now. So I am repeating question here:

    My receipt number starts with EAC. In order to check processing times, which service center I should be looking at?


    Thanks,



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